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    任你躁这里有精品2 视频南加州大学政事科学与国际关系系助理讲明注解

    发布日期:2022-10-01 19:37    点击次数:150
    Se色se色精品一站任你躁这里有精品2 视频

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    期刊简介

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    《安全筹备》(Security Studies)收录并出书具有转换性的学术稿件——不管是表面筹备、实践教诲共享照旧两者训导相长。安全筹备包含庸俗的议题,涵盖核扩散、核威慑、军民关系、战术文化、种族突破、流行病与国度安全、民主政事、应答方案以及定性与多模范筹备的发展。笔据Journal Citation Reports闪现,其2019年的影响因子为2.167。

    本期编委

    【编译】杨紫茵 聂涵琳 常佳艺 胡可怡 李源

    【校对】聂涵琳 胡可怡 杨紫茵 李源 常佳艺

    【审核】常佳艺 胡可怡 杨紫茵 聂涵琳

    【排版】韩柯

    【美编】李九阳

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    本期目次

    1. 共和国的沙漠盾牌?毁灭中东的一个施行想法案例

    Desert Shield of the Republic? A Realist Case for Abandoning the Middle East

    2. 更多疑问:RT、对外宣传与后西方全国纪律

    Questioning More: RT, Outward-Facing Propaganda,and the Post-West World Order

    3. 犯禁品运载:列国若何塑造国际私运道路

    Channeling Contraband: How States Shape International Smuggling Routes

    4. 哈里发国之后的恐怖:ISIS失去对人丁中心的截至对全球恐怖想法花式的影响

    Terror after the Caliphate: The Effect of ISIS Loss of Control over Population Centers on Patterns of Global Terrorism

    5.截至躯壳与疆城:叛乱分子的疆城截至与性暴力

    Control over Bodies and Territories: Insurgent Territorial Control and Sexual Violence

    01

    共和国的沙漠盾牌?毁灭中东的一个施行想法案例

    【题目】Desert Shield of the Republic? A Realist Case for Abandoning the Middle East

    【作家】David Blagden,埃克塞特大学高档讲师;Patrick Porter,伯明翰大学讲明注解。

    【摘录】政事施行想法者对美国应该在中东“做什么”和“成为什么”有不同观念。通盘人都对篡改该地区的过度的地缘政事缱绻暗意怀疑。可是,他们在对于为了在海湾国渡过甚足下保管霸权而参加无数人员和财力是否值得的问题上意见不一。霸权的“首要施行想法”以为,若是愉快是灵验的且可职责的,华盛顿就应该留住来安祥该地区,以确保一个成心的集结权利。可是,另有一种“共和国盾牌”式的施行想法以为追求在中东的武装无出其右的地位是在伤害国内的政事纪律,减少安全感而不是培育安全感,而且代价太高,成绩太少。这波及的利益要么不错通过离开该区域而使其变得可控,要么在很猛进度因中东而形成。本文展示了后一种态度,指出难垄断的海湾国度对美国的国度安全来说越来越次要。该地区正在失去其大战术上的权贵性,复杂的和不时的接触毁伤了共和党人的解放,对于不时霸权是否“值得”的考量还是果决地走向负面。是本领毁灭了。

    Political realists disagree on what America should “do” and “be” in the Middle East. All are skeptical toward extravagant geopolitical projects to transform the region. Yet they differ over whether hegemony in the Gulf and its wider environs are worth the substantial investment of blood and treasure. Hegemonic “primacy realism” finds the commitment effective and affordable, and that Washington should stay to stabilize the region to ensure a favorable concentration of power. There is an alternative “shield of the republic” realism, however, which views the pursuit of armed supremacy in the Middle East as harming political order at home, reducing security more than generating it, and costing too much for too little gain. It involves interests that are either manageable from a remove or largely generated by being there in the first place. In this article, we lay out the latter position, arguing that the unruly Gulf is increasingly peripheral to US national interests. The region is losing its salience grand strategically, entanglement and continuous war damage republican liberties, and the calculus of whether continued hegemony is “worth it” has shifted decisively toward the downside. The time for abandonment has come.

    【编译】杨紫茵

    【校对】聂涵琳

    【审核】常佳艺

    02

    更多疑问:RT、对外宣传与后西方全国纪律

    【题目】Questioning More: RT, Outward-Facing Propaganda,and the Post-West World Order

    【作家】Erin Baggott Carter,南加州大学政事科学和国际关系系助理讲明注解;Brett L. Carter,南加州大学政事科学与国际关系系助理讲明注解。

    【摘录】

    番邦敌手的宣传策略能否对指标国度的国内公论产生影响?对该问题,本文构建了一个表面框架以意会国度的外宣服务,并以为比拟对国内事务的观念, 欧美激情在线视频人们对应答事务的观念更容易受到他海外宣的影响。教诲层面上, 阿立本文以RT(前身为当天俄罗斯,俄罗斯政府于2005年创建的媒体平台)为主要洞悉对象,在对RT的报道内容进行梳理与分析之后,探究该媒体机构的曝光新闻能否对其美国受众产生影响。成果闪现,这些新闻报道有百分之十至二十的可能促使美国受众相沿美国毁灭全球配合首长地位。这种影响效应在各个方面都很权贵,况兼超过了党派边界。即使在RT由俄罗斯政府资助的政事布景被公开败露之后,上述效应也仍然存在。但RT对美国寰球对于国内务治以及俄罗斯政府的观念莫得影响。

    Can propaganda produced by foreign adversaries shape public opinion in a target country? We develop a theoretical framework to understand outward-facing propaganda, which many autocrats employ to shape public opinion abroad. We argue that beliefs about foreign affairs are more susceptible to outward-facing propaganda than beliefs about domestic conditions. Empirically, we focus on RT (formerly Russia Today), a media platform the Russian government founded in 2005. After characterizing its content, we ask whether exposure to RT influences the beliefs of American consumers. Exposure to RT, we find, induces respondents to support America withdrawing from its role as a cooperative global leader by 10–20 percentage points. This effect is robust across measures, obtains across party lines, and persists even when we disclose that RT is financed by the Russian government. RT has no effect on Americans’ views of domestic politics or the Russian government.

    【编译】胡可怡

    【校对】李源

    【审核】常佳艺

    03

    犯禁品运载:列国若何塑造国际私运道路

    【题目】Channeling Contraband: How States Shape International Smuggling Routes

    【作家】Max Gallien,萨塞克斯大学发展筹备所和国际税收与发展中心筹备员;Florian Weigand,女人右手感情线很乱伦敦政事经济学院突破与公民社会筹备中心筹备员。

    【摘录】

    固然私运频繁被以为发生在偏远和难以进入的边境地区,但本色上私运在国度严格截至的地区最为宽绰,包括在官方的边境港口。为了解开这一贫穷,本文计议了国度与国际边境私运者之间的关系。基于对北非和东南亚不同边境地区无数的实证筹备,本文以为不同类型的私运者偏好与国度诞生不同类型的关系。本文详细了此类关系的六种期望类型。本文指出这些类型的关系是不同的私运集结选拔边境沿清楚线的主导身分。这些发现对咱们意会私运和旨在贬责私运问题的政策,特地是其中联系边境留心工事和防护让步影响的政策,具有紧要敬爱敬爱。

    Although smuggling is commonly assumed to happen in remote and difficult-to-access borderlands, in reality, smuggling is most prevalent in areas that states tightly control, including at formal border crossings. To understand this puzzle, this article explores the relationship between states and smugglers at international borders. Based on extensive empirical research in various borderlands in North Africa and Southeast Asia, it argues that different kinds of smugglers prefer different types of relationships with the state. The article outlines six ideal types of such relationships. It contends that these types of relationships are the dominant factor in how different smuggling networks choose routes along a border. The findings have implications for our understanding of smuggling and policies that aim at addressing smuggling, especially regarding the effects of border fortifications and corruption prevention.

    【编译】聂涵琳

    【校对】杨紫茵

    【审核】胡可怡

    04

    哈里发国之后的恐怖:ISIS失去对人丁中心的截至对全球恐怖想法花式的影响

    【题目】Terror after the Caliphate: The Effect of ISIS Loss of Control over Population Centers on Patterns of Global Terrorism

    【作家】James A. Piazza,宾夕法尼亚州立大学讲明注解;Ahmet Guler,宾夕法尼亚州立大学违警学助理讲明注解。

    【摘录】学者们以为,伊拉克和叙利亚伊斯兰国(ISIS)在失去对组成其自称的 “哈里发国”的伊拉克和叙利亚主要人丁中心的截至后,对此的陈述状貌是将其恐怖暴力花式国际化,在海外施行更高调的紧要,并充分哄骗在他国的派别突破。在这项筹备中,作家考试了这种传统视力,并从表面层面上讲明人丁中心的丧失促使ISIS在海外进行更多的症结、将其症结场地退换到海外并在海外酿成更大的伤亡。哄骗ISIS对主要城市截至的原始本领序列数据,作家为其表面假定提供了实证相沿。

    Experts opine that the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) responded to its loss of control over major population centers in Iraq and Syria that constituted its self-described “caliphate” by internationalizing its patterns of terrorist violence, committing higher-profile attacks abroad, and exploiting sectarian conflicts in other countries. In this study, we test this conventional wisdom. We theorize that the loss of population centers prompted ISIS to conduct more attacks abroad, to shift its attack venues abroad, and to cause higher casualties abroad. Using original time series data on ISIS control over major cities, we find empirical support for our theoretical assumptions.

    【编译】常佳艺

    【校对】李源

    【审核】杨紫茵

    05

    截至躯壳与疆城:叛乱分子的疆城截至与性暴力

    【题目】Control over Bodies and Territories: Insurgent Territorial Control and Sexual Violence

    【作家】Victor Asal,纽约州立大学奥尔巴尼分校讲明注解;Robert U. Nagel,乔治敦大学妇女、和平与安全筹备所博士后筹备员。

    【摘录】尽管流行“强奸是一种接触兵器”的说法,但筹备标明,唯有少数叛乱团体在武装突破中施行了性暴力。本文以为,疆城截至是一个被淡薄的身分,它会加多一个团体施行性暴力的可能性,主要有两个原因:第一,寻求诞生疆城截至的叛乱团体更有可能施行性暴力;第二,寻求保管疆城截至的团体通过暴力地截贤良口成本、性成本和生殖成蓝本效法国度活动,具体施展为免强招募和不同体式的性暴力, 包括强奸和性奴役。借助武装突破中的性暴力(SVAC)以及大定约和危机叛乱分子II(BAADI2)数据库,本文系统地考试了上述论点。考试成果为该论点提供了有劲的相沿,成心于咱们进一步了解与突破联系的性暴力和叛乱总揽。

    Despite the popular narrative of “rape as a weapon of war,” research shows that only a minority of insurgent groups perpetrate sexual violence in armed conflict. We argue that territorial control is an overlooked factor that can increase the likelihood a group commits sexual violence for two primary reasons: (1) rebel groups seeking to establish control over territory are more likely to commit sexual violence; and (2) groups seeking to maintain territorial control emulate state behavior through violently controlling human, sexual, and reproductive capital, which manifests in forced recruitment and different forms of sexual violence, including rape and sexual slavery. We systematically test this argument using the Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict (SVAC) and the Big Allied and Dangerous Insurgent II (BAADI2) datasets. The results provide robust support for the argument. This constitutes an important addition to our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence and rebel governance.

    【编译】李源

    【校对】胡可怡

    【审核】聂涵琳

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